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"Canada can, within a positive friendly atmosphere, ask the Chinese government to resolve the Tibetan situation."

CTA's Response to Chinese Government Allegations: Part Two

June 22, 2008

Chinese Nationalism, Ethnic Tension and Olympic Games
Central Tibetan Administration
May 26, 2008

Ever since peaceful protests erupted in Tibet, starting from 10
March, the Chinese government used the full force of its state media
to fling a series of allegations against the "Dalai Clique". These
allegations range from His Holiness the Dalai Lama masterminding the
recent Tibet protest to His Holiness the Dalai Lama making attempts
to restore feudalism in Tibet.

This is the second in a series of response by the Central Tibetan
Administration (CTA) to these accusations.

The Chinese translation of this response will be available on Monday,
2 June 2008, at
The Tibetan translation is available on the Tibetan edition of this


Beijing's and Tibetan Approaches to Ethnic Tension

Of deep concern to the Tibetan people is the Chinese authorities'
attempt to turn on the anger of the Chinese people on the Tibetans.
China is playing a dangerously irresponsible game by using the Tibet
protests to fuel ethnic tension. The struggle of the Tibetan people
is against the wrong policies of Beijing. This struggle is not
against China both as a nation and culture nor against the Chinese
people. The Tibetan people's struggle is against the policies aimed
at Tibet's total assimilation within the Chinese majority. The
protests that rocked Tibet recently and continue to rock are to
convince the authorities to withdraw these policies and implement
ones that give greater freedoms for the Tibetan people.

On 28 March, His Holiness the Dalai Lama issued an appeal to the
Chinese people. In this appeal, His Holiness said, "The recent unrest
has clearly demonstrated the gravity of the situation in Tibet and
the urgent need to seek a peaceful and mutually beneficial solution
through dialogue. Even at this juncture I have expressed my
willingness to the Chinese authorities to work together to bring
about peace and stability...Chinese brothers and sisters - wherever
you may be - with deep concern I appeal to you to help dispel the
misunderstanding between our two communities. Moreover, I appeal to
you to help find a peaceful, lasting solution to the problem of Tibet
through dialogue in the spirit of understanding and accommodation."

Biased Chinese Media Reporting Creates Ethnic Tension

However, Beijing is using the full might of its propaganda machinery
to convince the Chinese people that these protests are anti-Chinese.
In a society where the citizens receive news and information from
government-controlled media, this is stoking the fire of Chinese
nationalism. Beijing has played with this fire before. In 1999 after
the Belgrade Chinese embassy bombing, China whipped up anti-American
sentiments. China refused to accept President Clinton's initial phone
to President Jiang Zemin to apologise. The Chinese Communist Party
declared immediately after the bombing through the People's Daily and
other media that the bombing had been intentional, not accidental,
and supplied buses to transport demonstrators to the U.S. embassy and
consulates across China. Anti-Japanese sentiments were whipped up in
2004 and 2005 during the Asian Football Cup matches in China and over
the Japanese textbook controversy. The precision with which these
protests have flared and just as suddenly died down led many
observers to conclude Beijing's hand in organizing them. Both nearly
backfired when the protestors shrilly started to criticise the
authorities for being weak before the Americans and the Japanese.
Fareed Zakaria, editor of Newsweek International, writes "In the past
they have stoked anti-Japanese and anti-American outbursts, only to
panic that things were getting out of control and then reverse course."

This biased reporting on the unrest in Tibet and its negative effect
on the Chinese public worries Chinese intellectuals. On 22 March, a
group of Chinese scholars, writers and human rights activists wrote a
twelve-point letter. In the first point they say, "At present the
one-sided propaganda of the official Chinese media is having the
effect of stirring up inter-ethnic animosity and aggravating an
already tense situation. This is extremely detrimental to the
long-term goal of safeguarding national unity. We call for such
propaganda to be stopped."

The second point says, "We support the Dalai Lama's appeal for peace,
and hope that the ethnic conflict can be dealt with according to the
principles of goodwill, peace and non-violence. We condemn any
violent act against innocent people, strongly urge the Chinese
government to stop violent repression and appeal to the Tibetan
people likewise to not to engage in violent activities."

In the case of Tibet, the Chinese authorities are stoking ethnic
tension in five areas. Agent provocateurs have infiltrated the ranks
of Tibetan protestors and indulged in violence to create deep rifts
between Tibetans and Chinese. The authorities' relentless
demonization of His Holiness the Dalai Lama is hurting Tibetan
sentiments. China's brutal crackdown on the Tibetans is sowing the
seeds of complete distrust in the authorities. The Chinese
government's inflammatory use of the media and biased reporting is
creating more misunderstanding amongst the Chinese people. The
Chinese government's active encouragement of overseas Chinese
students' association to counter pro-Tibet protests with protests of
their own is contributing to mutual suspicion.

The responsibility of any government is to provide good governance,
including ensuring communal harmony. In fact, President Hu Jintao's
stated goal is to create a harmonious society in China. Crackdown and
shrill denunciation do not contribute to harmony. China's hardline
action to resolve the issue of Tibet has created the biggest rift
between Tibetans and Chinese. The crackdown, the enforcement of the
"patriotic re-education" and the media focus on the unrest in Tibet
are undermining President Hu Jintao's establishment of a harmonious society.

In their fourth point, the group of Chinese scholars say, "In our
opinion, such Cultural Revolution-like language as 'the Dalai Lama is
a jackal in Buddhist monk's robes and an evil spirit with a human
face and the heart of a beast' used by the Chinese Communist Party
leadership in the Tibet Autonomous Region is of no help in easing the
situation, nor is it beneficial to the Chinese government's image. As
the Chinese government is committed to integration into the
international community, we maintain that it should display a style
of governing that conforms to the standards of modern civilization."

Zhang Boshu of the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences wrote a piece
on Tibet called The Way to Resolve the Tibet Issue. Its English
translation is posted on 9 May on In his
article, Zhang Bozhu writes, 'Hu Yaobang especially stressed:
"Looking down on Tibetan history, language and art is totally
wrong... Loving the minority people is not a matter of empty words.
Their social customs and habits must be respected. Respect their
language, respect their history, respect their culture. If you don't
do that you are only speaking empty words." Finally, Tibetan cadres
should manage Tibet. Within two years, Tibetans should make up
two-thirds or more of the cadres in Tibet. "We have been here for
thirty years. We have completed our historical mission." "Today there
are 300,000 ethnic Han, including military, in Tibet. How can that
ever do?" The above can be summarized in six characters "cut taxes,
open up, and withdraw personnel". These were the "emergency measures"
energetically promoted by Hu Yaobang to resolve the Tibet issue.'

Why this hardline Policy in the Face of Its Clear Rejection by Tibetans

Despite these appeals from some of the most respected citizens of
China, why are the authorities intensifying and reinvigorating the
very policies that have provoked this desperate reaction from the
Tibetan people?

There are three possible reasons. One is to provoke the Tibetans into
violence to justify the Chinese government's own violent retaliation.
The other is that the current propaganda blitz is to divert the
attention of the Chinese people from their own pressing problems. The
third is to use the protests in Tibet and the huge international
sympathy generated for the Tibetan people to stoke Chinese
nationalism to bolster the legitimacy of the Chinese Communist Party.

Ever since the 1959 uprising, the Tibetan people's struggle has been
peaceful. China cannot justify the use of force against a peaceful
struggle to its own people or to the international community. The
demonization of His Holiness the Dalai Lama, denouncing some exile
Tibetan organizations as "terrorists" outfits and equating them with
Al-Qaeda and the armed struggle in Chechnya and infiltrating the
ranks of the Tibetan people and trying to provoke them into violence
are all attempts to justify a violent response.

The Chinese authorities know that their hardline policies have
generated this desperate reaction from the Tibetans. Even then why
are they still pushing ever harder with all these elements of the
harsh policies? Regardless of the Tibetan people's clear distaste,
the "patriotic re-education" campaign is being pushed harder on the
Tibetans. Forcing Tibetans to publicly denounce His Holiness the
Dalai Lama, stomping on his photos, forcing monasteries to fly the
Chinese national flag and the official vilification campaign against
His Holiness the Dalai Lama have forced many lay Tibetans and monks
to refuse to participate in the campaign.

Premier Wen Jiabao during his recent visit to Laos urged His Holiness
the Dalai Lama to use his influence in Tibet to calm the situation.
Why is this moderate approach and clear official admission of His
Holiness the Dalai Lama's influence on his people not reflected in
the policy implementation in Tibet? And if the Chinese authorities
really wish for His Holiness the Dalai Lama to calm things down in
Tibet, why is he not provided the forum and channel to reach out to
his people in Tibet?

Baba Phuntsok Wangyal, the founder of the Tibetan Communist Party and
a senior figure in the Chinese leadership, has this answer. His
answer is contained in a book called Baba Phuntsok Wangyal: Witness
to Tibet's History compiled by Tenzin Losel, Jane Perkins, Bhuchung
D. Sonam and Tenzin Tsundue, published by Paljor Publications, Pvt.
Ltd in 2007. The book contains a biography of Baba Phuntsok Wangyal
and the three letters he had sent to President Hu Jintao in 2004,
2005 and 2006. In these letters, Baba Phuntsok Wangyal says that
there is a well-entrenched vested interest in the Chinese leadership,
who have built their careers on the struggle against separatism.
Their careers will be blown away when the issue of Tibet is resolved
through dialogue with His Holiness the Dalai Lama. Baba Phuntsok
Wangyal quotes a popular saying in Tibet. It goes like this. "These
people live on anti-separatism, are promoted due to anti-separatism
and they hit the jackpot by anti-separatism."

In his 2004, letter to President Hu Jintao, Baba Phuntsok Wangyal
writes, "To summarise the saying above: 'The longer the Dalai Lama
keeps on staying abroad, and the bigger his influence, the more
long-lasting the period of high ranks and great wealth for those
anti-separatist groups; on the contrary, when the Dalai Lama restores
relations with the Central Government, these people will be
terrified, tense and lose their jobs.' The statement above is not at
all far-fetched. With regard to the question of whether or not
relations between the Central Government and the Dalai Lama can be
restored, this is not only related to shifts of political partiality,
resistance and even open objections within the nation, but also to
the relations of such and such people and groups and the advantages
and disadvantages to them in terms of economic interest."

Baba Phuntsok Wangyal's analysis is echoed by Jing Huang, currently a
visiting fellow at the University of Singapore's East Asian
Institute. He told Simon Elegant of Time that there is "a huge
bulwark of entrenched officials (in the United Front Work Department,
the Public Security Bureau, Foreign Affairs, the Religious Affairs
department, the Communist Party in Tibet, the Minority Affairs
department being the main culprits) who have spent decades shouting
about "splittism" and not only can imagine any other approach but
would feel it was a threat to their iron rice bowls or livelihoods,
which of course it would be. Thus, Huang says, you have essentially
the entire Chinese establishment that administers Tibet opposed to a
compromise solution that would inevitably not only have to
acknowledge that the policies that they have pursued in Tibet for the
last 20 years are a failure but would likely cost them their jobs."

Willy Lam, writing for Jamestown Foundation, says, "As police in
various cities were issuing warnings to protestors outside Carrefour
supermarkets last Saturday and Sunday, the Hu Jintao Administration
has intensified efforts to suppress and contain the 'splittists' in
Tibet and Xinjiang - and using nationalist sentiments to help achieve
its goal. As the nation is being swept by a tidal wave of
'patriotism' if not xenophobia, liberal intellectuals who had earlier
implored Beijing to consider conciliatory policies toward the two
autonomous regions no longer dare raise their voice for fear of being
labeled traitors." Willy Lam, whose piece called Beijing Intensifies
'People's War' against 'Splittism' as Nationalism Rears Its Head' and
which was posted on Jamestown Foundation's website on 29 April,
quotes an editor of a Beijing-based magazine who wishes to remain
anonymous as saying, "The CCP has used the handy weapon called
nationalism to silence those who question the authorities' handling of Tibet."

All this leads us to believe that China's Tibet policy has been
hijacked by the hardliners in the leadership who want a Final
Solution to the Tibetan Question by using all the might available to
them to crush the Tibetan people. The hardliners, more than the
national interests of China and the Chinese people, are pursuing
their hardline policy to protect their careers and their private interests.

The present crisis in Tibet has become useful to the Chinese
authorities to distract the Chinese people from their very pressing
problems. The growing social unrest in China is stoked by rampant
corruption, growing inequality between the rich and poor and rising
prices. At the same time, there is growing aspiration for freedom and
democracy in China. China's Tibet distraction is being used to its
full advantage by the authorities to make the Chinese public forget,
even momentarily, the daily burden under which grind and its longing
for freedom.

After the first tidal wave of anti-foreign and anti-Tibetan people
passed away on the Internet, a more sober assessment of the situation
in Tibet is re-surfacing among Chinese bloggers and Internet-users.
There are many Chinese who are fed up with the government blasting
away about Tibet every day. They say Tibet is everywhere, on TV,
radio and in newspapers. The public cannot escape and get respite
from the government's onslaught on Tibet even for a minute. Many
Chinese wonder what the reason behind this is.

China's Tibet distraction has also become useful for the Chinese
Communist Party to stoke Chinese nationalism and thus bolster the
party's legitimacy. The need to do this flows from the paradox that
is China today. Communism has been swept away from China and yet the
Chinese Communist Party survives and flourishes. In his piece, Why
China's Burning Mad, posted on 24 April 2008, Simon Elegant of Time
writes, "Having effectively abandoned the Marxist-Leninsts ideology
that was once the bedrock, China's Communist Party now draws its
mandate to govern from two sources - economic growth and nationalist
pride." In his book, China's New Nationalism, Peter Hays Gries
writes, "In 1994 Xiao Gongqing, an outspoken neo-conservative
intellectual advocated the use of nationalism derived from
Confucianism to fill the ideological void opened by the collapse of
communism." Jayshree Bajoria of the Council on Foreign Relations,
writes, "After the collapse of the Soviet Union, the opening of the
Chinese economy by Deng Xiaoping, and the pro-democracy protests of
1989, nationalism was once again revived by the Chinese Communist
Party (CCP), say experts."

Gries writes, "Lacking the procedural legitimacy accorded to
democratically elected governments and facing the collapse of
communist ideology, the CCP is increasingly dependent on its
nationalist credentials to rule." In an editorial in April 2008, the
International Herald Tribune notes that "stripped of Maoism as its
guiding light, the CCP has fallen back on nationalism as societal glue."

Jayshree Bajoria of the Council on Foreign Relations quotes Kenneth
G. Lieberthal of the University of Michigan as saying, nationalistic
protests are a combination of genuine popular outrage and government
manipulation to let protest grow, which often helps the Chinese
government's bargaining position as that incident is negotiated with
the offending party.

In order to shore up public support for its right to rule, the CCP is
portraying the Tibet protests as anti-China. The CCP also portrays
the international support and sympathy and the extensive media
coverage of the events in Tibet as an international anti-China force.
The government's obsessive and distorted coverage of the Olympic
torch relay and the accompanying protests have provoked anti-foreign
sentiments in China, including the boycott of French products. Writes
Wu Zhong, China editor of on 23 April, "Amid
increasingly growing nationalism, the few Chinese - such as CCTV
anchor Bai Yansong and China Youth Daily's photo editor He Yanguang -
who were brave enough to criticize the boycott as 'irrational' and
harmful to Chinese interests, have been bombarded with accusations by
angry bloggers." Mr. B. Raman, a former additional secretary in the
cabinet secretariat of the government of India, writing in on 20 April, says, "It is learnt that the protests
inside China as well as abroad are being sponsored and directed by
the Ministry of Public Security, which is China's internal
intelligence and security agency."

In Tibet, there is a talk of waging a "people's war" against the
Tibetan protestors. No individual Chinese have stepped forward to
lead this war, but the authorities are coming upon the detained
protesters with violence and ferocity unheard since the days of the
Cultural Revolution. Protesters are shot dead and those who are
arrested are beaten and tortured. Monasteries where protests have
taken place are sealed off and deprived of food and drinking water.
Bodies of those shot dead are taken away so as to prevent local
Tibetans from knowing the cause of death. Tibet has been turned into
a war zone.

Chinese Support for Dialogue and Inter-ethnic Harmony

Grace Wang, a student at Duke University in the United States, wrote
an op-ed piece in April in the Los Angeles Times and reprinted in the
Indian Express on 21 April. She was the one who tried to mediate
between protesting Chinese students and Tibet protesters and was
vilified by the Chinese side. She writes, "Trying to mediate between
Chinese and pro-Tibetan campus protesters, I was caught in the middle
and vilified and threatened by the Chinese. After the protest, the
intimidation went online and I began receiving threatening phone
calls. Then it got worse - my parents in China were also threatened
and forced to go into hiding."

"Back in my dorm room, I logged into the Duke Chinese Students and
Scholars Association (DCSSA) Website to see what people were saying.
Qian Fangzhou, an officer of DCSSA, was gloating, 'We really showed
them our colours!.'"

"I posted a letter in response, explaining that I don't support
Tibetan independence, as some accused me of, but that I do support
Tibetan freedom as well as Chinese freedom. The next morning, a storm
was raging online. Photographs of me had been posted on the Internet
with the words "Traitor!" printed across my forehead. Then I saw
something really alarming both my parent's citizen ID numbers had
been posted. This information could only have come from the Chinese police."

"I saw detailed directions to my parent' home in China, accompanied
by calls for people to go there and teach "this shameless dog" a
lesson. It was then that I realized how serious this had become. My
phone rang with callers making threats against my life. I talked to
my mom and she said she and my dad were going into hiding because
they were getting death threats, too."

In their twelve-point letter, the group of Chinese scholars write,
"In order to prevent similar incidents from happening in future, the
government must abide by the freedom of religious belief and the
freedom of speech explicitly enshrined in the Chinese Constitution,
thereby allowing the Tibetan people fully to express their grievances
and hopes, and permitting citizens of all nationalities freely to
criticise and make suggestions regarding the government's nationality

The twelfth and last point in their letter is this. "We hold that we
must eliminate animosity and bring about national reconciliation, not
continue to increase divisions between nationalities. A country that
wishes to avoid the partition of its territory must first avoid
divisions among its nationalities. Therefore, we appeal to the
leaders of our country to hold direct dialogue with the Dalai Lama.
We hope that the Chinese and Tibetan people will do away with the
misunderstandings between them, develop their interactions with each
other, and achieve unity. Government departments as much popular
organizations and religious figures should make great efforts towards
this goal."

Sabotaging or Helping the Beijing Olympic Games

One major and consistent accusation the Beijing authorities hurl at
His Holiness the Dalai Lama is that he is sabotaging the Beijing
Summer Olympics. They cite the outbursts of the Tibetan people's
anger in the streets of towns and villages throughout Tibet and the
protests that have dogged the torch relay as evidence of His Holiness
the Dalai Lama's involvement in this.

Far from sabotaging the Beijing Olympics, His Holiness the Dalai Lama
even before China was awarded the 2008 Olympics Games supported the
right of Beijing to host the Games. His Holiness the Dalai Lama
during his visit to Salt Lake City in the United States in May 2001
that he supported China's bid for the Games in 2008 if it promoted
human rights in the country. His Holiness said he also wanted to know
what the feelings of the Chinese people were on the Games. He also
wanted to know what the feelings of the human rights groups were. His
Holiness said, "I would like to know their opinion. If they feel this
event taking place in China would help to change, then I would
support it," according to the CNN report of 11 May 2001.

We believe that His Holiness the Dalai Lama's endorsement of Beijing
helped China win the bid when the IOC chose the host city in Moscow
on 13 July 2001. CNN report of 15 May 2001 says, "The Beijing bid
received a major boost last week when the Dalai Lama, the exiled
Tibetan Buddhist leader, said China 'deserves to be the Olympic host.'"

When the 2008 Summer Olympic Games were awarded to China His Holiness
the Dalai Lama publicly welcome this development and said he had
supported Beijing's bid all the time. His Holiness the Dalai Lama
said that the same time that it is the right of individuals and
organizations to use the Games to peacefully highlight the gross
human rights violations going on in China in the hope that these
violations would be eliminated.

In his 10 March 2008 statement, His Holiness explains his position on
the Olympic Games in China in detail. His Holiness said, "This year,
the Chinese people are proudly and eagerly awaiting the opening of
the Olympic Games. I have, from the very beginning, supported the
idea that China should be granted the opportunity to host the Olympic
Games. Since such international sporting events, and especially the
Olympics, uphold the principles of freedom of speech, freedom of
expression, equality and friendship, China should prove herself a
good host by providing these freedoms. Therefore, besides sending
their athletes, the international community should remind the Chinese
government of these issues. I have come to know that many
parliaments, individuals and non-governmental organisations around
the globe are undertaking a number of activities in view of the
opportunity that exists for China to make a positive change. I admire
their sincerity. I would like to state emphatically that it will be
very important to observe the period following the conclusion of the
Games. The Olympic Games no doubt will greatly impact the minds of
the Chinese people. The world should, therefore, explore ways of
investing their collective energies in producing a continuous
positive change inside China even after the Olympics have come to an end."

In the aftermath of the largest protests in Tibet and the brutal
crackdown on the protestors, followed by strident calls for the
boycott of the Beijing Olympic Games, His Holiness commented that a
boycott was too radical and said that there should not be any boycott.

Another accusation hurled by the Chinese authorities is that the
Central Tibetan Administration plotted to sabotage the Beijing
Olympic Games at the 5th International Tibet Support Group Conference
held in May 2007 in Brussels.

It is a fact that all the TSG conferences were organised by the
Central Tibetan Administration since the first conference in 1990.
Particularly from the second conference in Bonn in 1996, the Central
Tibetan Administration did it in collaboration with the
Friedrich-Naumann Foundation. In all these conferences both the CTA
and the FNF acted as facilitators. The agenda for the conferences
were set by the TSGs and the ownership of the successive action plans
and resolutions is with the TSG movement. In fact, at the Prague TSG
conference concerns were raised about the appropriateness of the CTA
organising the TSG conferences. This concern was put to the vote. The
majority of the participants wanted the CTA to continue to organise
subsequent TSG conferences.

Apart from facilitating these conferences, the role of the CTA is to
explain the CTA's policies and seek the participants' support for the
Middle-Way Approach, which seeks to ensure meaningful autonomy for
all Tibetans under a single Tibetan administration. This was done by
Kalon Tripa, Professor Samdhong Rinpoche, both at the Prague and
Brussels conferences. The Special Envoy of His Holiness the Dalai
Lama, Mr. Lodi Gyari, updated the participants on the progress of the
talks between the Chinese and the Tibetan sides.

The Chinese media also said that Paula Dobriansky, the special
co-ordinator for Tibetan affairs in the State Department, attended
the 5th International Tibet Support Group Conference. She did not
attend the conference. This is a clear case of the Chinese media
spreading disinformation.

The proceedings of all these conferences were transparent. The
opening and closing ceremonies of these conferences were open to the
international media, which included reporters from Xinhua. At the
time the Xinhua reporters did not file any report that says the
"splittists were plotting to sabotage the Beijing Olympic Games."
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